Thursday, August 6, 2020
অনন্ত উদ্ধার , কবিতা ( সৈয়দ হাসমত জালাল , কলকাতা)
আগুনের পাখি , কবিতা (জয়ন্ত বাগচী, কলকাতা)
শোনাও আবার , হে বজ্রনির্ঘোষ , কবিতা (রামেশ্বর ভট্টাচার্য)
মুজিব পার্থজিৎ , কবিতা (গঙ্গোপাধ্যায়, কলকাতা)
ভালোবাসার সনদ , কবিতা ( পঙ্কজ সাহা, কলকাতা)
ভাষা শহিদ , কবিতা (বীথি চট্টোপাধ্যায়, কলকাতা)
Bangabandhu remains the light house By Prashanta Bhushon Barua
Bangabandhu remains the light house
Prashanta
Bhushon Barua
By the time passed, it is now the writing of the history that in real meaning
and on all counts Bangabandhu is Bangladesh. His love for common people defines
his politics. His tirelessness for fighting Bengali
interests answers why he is inseparable with whatever interests Bengali commoners. His uncompromising
bravery and herculean tirelessness
protecting his peoples' very best interest in every stages defines why
he is all time friend of Bangla, beloved Bangabandhu.
The endless love and sacrifice for his people answers why he is still steering the nation to the next
much desired destination of prosperity
and self respect in global stage. As once he said, 'the beggars do not have any respect, we have to be self reliant'. His nation is now marching towards his
dreamt self respect on all counts
under his very competent daughter's leadership but he was not allowed to see the journey. Like many
others, I have no doubt that he can
not and will not curse us for terribly failing to doing our duty giving him the
least justice in post 75 because of his own natural love and affection for Bengalis but how can we refrain from
cursing ourselves? Is not a collective guilt?
How we forgive
ourselves for terrible failure in the morning of 15 august and aftermath? What he thought about our
ungratefulness before leaving last breath? Did pain and shock he received from treachery, cowardly selfishness know any bound? Then how
the party he gave birth
by his life (salute some exception) along with forces
he built, chiefs he appointed could observe silence, criminal silence? Where were Mark Antony s who pretended to
give their lives for him? All chiefs
who had a oath bound duty to defend constitution
and protect the President and founder of the nation staged a cowardly, shameless demonstration of
inaction. Army chief was not
powerless in terms of loyal four battalion size availability 3rd Bengal,
2nd Bengal and 4th Bengal all stationed in Dhaka 46 Brigade Commander Shafayet Jameel was loyal to him, at least 4 battalion size troops were available to counter attack and eliminate
assassins in two hours' operation. Once it would have started, more troops from other regiments would definitely have marched. By the end of the day on 15 August, assassins'
flesh and blood were
not to be found. Alas, who had arms and ammunition did not use it, troops not
marched, Jets did not make sorties over killer Tanks. Only Brigadier Zamil contributed to lessen
our guilt. Others
observed criminal silence and counting, the gain they would have
from the change. Indeed some of them took side of killers.
The nation who then
just won a big fight three and a half year ago digested this deepest wound and insult to the nationhood.
A few questions must not be left unanswered:
a) why Tanks deployed in Dhaka as Dhaka was not proved good ground.for
Tank battle? b) Faruque, the killer
attempted a similar accident in 1973 with only 3 Tanks , why he was not
put on trial in 1973? c) Why he was even given
the 2nd in Command's charge in the same Tank Regiment after new arrivals of 30 from Egypt , a gift to Bangabandhu by President Sadat? d) Who was responsible to deactivate Comilla Brigade's
troops guarding 32? e) How Huda and Dalhn.'~ company got the duty guarding 32 in that very morning J) why Rashid's
posting from Gunnery school Jeshore was cancelled and instead stationed in Dhaka whereas he then just finished
gunnery course in Delhi and needed in
Jeshore, not in Dhaka? g) killer troops passed by filed intelligence in Cantonment, what did they do? h) why
guard commander in 32 was not alerted by Army Chief and Dhaka Station Commander who had discharged duty to
guard President House on behalf of army HQ? Chief got time from at least
4.30am to 5.40143am to alert them, send
reinforcement. i) Brigadier Zamil urged army chief prior to his movement
along with PGR to send force approximately at Sam. if Zamil could get his
troops ready in 15 minutes, why army chief
could not lead a personal initiative with
available troops around him and order others to follow? Where was the desperation in his side to save
Bangabandhu? There should be a
commission to investigate how chief of army staff could be hijacked from
his HQ along two other chiefs in Navy and air force ? Who called them to HQ ? Were all of them under duress? It is admirable that Bengali nation has shown bravery,
remarkable sacrifice in many
occasions but demonstration of cowardly selfishness is not rare at all,
15 August is the most painful example of
all. We now must look forward to preaching true history of Bangabandhu's sacrifice, bravery, superman ship in
liberating the nation,
rebuilding it, eternal love and commitment for global peace and humanity
for vast global audience as well as new generations at home.
A true duty
bound love for Bangabandhu may least reduce curse of inaction after killing the
father of the Nation and an unforgivable blockade
to pay justice. He is our light house in distress, be it man made
or natural. He will remain as the eternal source of strength for fighting odds and continue to steering, till days,
months and years yet to come, both in
pain and grief, happiness and joys of his people. Bangabandhu is our
sword as well as shield, the greatest hero of all ages. His flow of love for people flew endless till the very last moment. He did not have magic but nearly
divine quality to transmit his love andain in others for greater
national causes. Bangabandhu is own Caesar
who did not rule but loved and served his
people. He continued serving after so long since his
departure and will continue to do so for long many years. The Newsweek
gave him a name in April 1971, 'Poet of
politics', indeed he is the poet of love, peace and bravery who did not
only dream, let his people unite behind that
dream and let themselves dream at the same tune of music and length of radio wave to spreading it for
all Bengalis in home and abroad, across the world, for their past and
future. The nation still shed tears through
his eyes, joys too, speaks in his thunder voice, fights back, die and win in
his style. Bangabandhu
still remains the greatest cultural and political
asset of the nation, no reserve record in national treasury may
touch it, let alone crossing ever.
The
nation correctly becomes emotional in his name but fact, figure and logic justified
our emotion, our pride , grief and joy for Bangabandhu. My
salute for those great souls who dared to fight back and scarified
in post 15 August. They are duty bound. If any one loves Bangabandhu, he/she
indeed loves Bangladesh, with all its past glory and future promise. Bangabandhu is a light
house and will remain so in the streets of cities, murmuring water flows of rivers, paths of
villages and valleys. In peace, in fight, in joys and grief, he is with us, we are with him,
inseparable, inalienable, boldly tied with
eternal and enduring bond of love and affection which made him
Bangabandhu, made us his blood indebted follower, not very competent though in
all time.
Still we fight and win in his name, steer ourselves against
all odds. Bangabandhu remains the light
house, whilst his enlightened daughter,
the most competent mariner takes the ship to the next port of hope, pride and dignity, a national
momentum much desired by her father, father of the nation. Let sun shine
on his high head, let sky gift light on his eyes, let rain bless, let moon
light, let stars lit universe on his name,
most loved, admired name. Let millions Mark Anthony parade towards the
killers of our greatest hero of all ages.
The Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman By Abdul Gaffar choudhury
The Father of the Nation Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
Abdul Gaffar choudhury
He is not a mere individual. He in
an institution. A movement. A revolution. An upsurge. He is the architect of
the nation. He is the essence of epic poetry and he is history. This history
goes back a thousand years. Which is why contemporary history has recognized
him as the greatest Bengali of the past thousand years. The future will call
him the superman of eternal time.
And he will live, in luminosity
reminiscent of a bright star, in historical legends. He will show the path to
the Bengali nation his dreams are the basis of the existence of the nation. A
remembrance of him is the culture and society that Bengalis have sketched for
themselves. His possibilities, the promises thrown forth by him, are the
fountain-spring of the civilized existence of the Bengalis. He is a friend to
the masses. To the nation he is the Father. In the view of men and women in
other places and other climes, he is the founder of sovereign Bangladesh.
Journalist Cyril Dunn once said of him, “In the thousand – year history of
Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujib is the only leader who has, in terms of blood, race,
language, culture and birth, been a full – blooded Bengali. His physical
stature was immense. His voice was redolent of thunder. His charisma worked
magic on people. The courage and charm that flowed from him made him a unique
superman in these times.” Newsweek magazine called him the poet of politics.
The leader of the British humanist
movement, the late Lord Fenner Brockway once remarked, “In a sense, Sheikh
Mujib is a greater leader than George Washington, Mahatma Gandhi and De
Valera.” The greatest journalist of Egypt, Hasnein Heikal (former editor of Al
Ahram and close associate of the late President Nasser) said, “Nasser is
not simply of Egypt. Arab world. His Arab nationalism is the message of freedom
for the Arab people. In similar fashion, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman does not belong
to Bangladesh alone. He is the harbinger of freedom for all Bangalis. His
Bengali nationalism is the new emergence of Bengali civilization and culture.
Mujib is the hero of the Bengalis, in the past and in the times to be.
Embracing Bangabandhu at the Algiers
Non – Aligned Summit in 1973, Cuba’s Fidel Castro noted, “I have not seen the
Himalayas. But I have seen Sheikh Mujib. In personality and in courage, this
man is the Himalayas. I have thus had the experience of witnessing the
Himalayas.
Upon hearing the news of
Bangabandhu’s assassination, former British Prime Minister Harold Wilson wrote
to a Bengali Journalist, “This is surely a supreme national tragedy for you.
For me it is a personal tragedy of immense dimensions.”
In Europe, the outcome of democratic
national aspirations has been the rise of modern nationalism and the national
state. Those who provided leadership in the task of the creation of nations or
nation-states have fondly been called by their peoples as founding fathers and
have been placed on the high perches of history. Such is the reason why Kamal
Ataturk is the creator of modern Turkey. And thus it is that Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman is the founder of the Bengali nation – state and father of the
nation of his fellow Bengalis.
But in more ways than one, Sheikh Mujib has been a more successful founding
father than either Ataturk or Gandhi. Turkey existed even during the period of
the Ottoman Empire. Once the empire fell, Ataturk took control of Turkey and
had it veer away from western exploitation through giving shape to a democratic
nation – state.
In Gandhi’s case, India and Indians
did not lose their national status either before or after him. But once the
British left the subcontinent, the existence of the Bengali nation appeared to
have been blotted out. The new rulers of the new state of Pakistan called
Bangladesh by the term “East Pakistan” in their constitution. By pushing a
thousand – year history into the shadows, the Pakistani rulers imposed the
nomenclature of “Pakistanis” on the Bengalis, so much so that using the term
“Bengali” or “Bangladesh” amounted to sedition in the eyes of the Pakistani
state. The first man to rise in defense of the Bengali, his history and his
heritage, was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. On 25 August 1955, he said in the Pakistan
Constituent Assembly, “Mr. Speaker, they ( government) want to change the name
of East Bengal into East Pakistan. We have always demanded that the name
‘Bangla’ be used. There is a history behind the term Bangla. There is a tradition,
a heritage, If this name is at all to be changed, the question should be placed
before the people of Bengal: are they ready to have their identity changed?”
Sheikh Mujib’s demand was ignored.
Bangladesh began to be called East Pakistan by the rulers. Years later, after
his release from the so – called Agartalas case, Sheikh Mujib took the first
step toward doing away with the misdeed imposed on his people.
On 5 December 1969, he said, “At one time, attempts were made to wipe out all
traces of Bengali history and aspirations. Except for the Bay of Bengal, the
term Bengal is not seen anywhere.
On behalf of the people of Bengal, I
am announcing today that henceforth the eastern province of Pakistan will,
instead of being called East Pakistan, be known as Bangladesh.” Sheikh Mujib’s
revolution was not merely directed at the achievement of political freedom.
Once the Bengali nation – state was established, it become his goal to carry
through programmes geared to the achievement of national economic welfare.
The end of exploitation was one underlying principle of his programme, which he
called the Second Revolution. While there are many who admit today that Gandhi
was the founder of the non – violent non – cooperation movement, they believe
it was an effective use of that principle which enabled Sheikh Sheikh Mujib to
create history. Mujib’s politics was a natural follow – up to the struggle and
movements of Bengal’s mystics, its religious preachers, Titumir’s crusade, the
Indigo Revolt, Gandhiji’s non – cooperation, and Subhash Chandra Bose’s armed
attempt for freedom. The secularism of Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das, the liberal
democratic politics of Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Hague and Huseyn Shaheed
Suhrawardy Contributed to the molding of the Mujib character.
He was committed to public welfare.
Emerging free of the limitations of western democracy, he wished to see
democracy sustain Bengali nationalism. It was this dream that led to the rise
of his ideology. At the United Nations, he was the first man to speak of his
dreams, his people’s aspiration, in Bangla. The language was, in that swift
stroke of politics, recognized by the global community.
For the first time after
Rabindranath Tagore’s Nobel achievement in 1913, Bangla was put on a position
of dignity. The multifaceted life to the great man cannot be put together in
language or color.
The reason is put on; Mujib is
greater than his creation. It is not possible to hold within the confines of
the frame the picture of such greatness. He is our emancipation – today and
tomorrow. The greatest treasure of the Bengali nation is preservation of his
heritage, a defense of his legacy. He has conquered death. His memory is our
passage to the days that are to be.
LANGUAGE MOVEMENT AND BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN By Abdul Gaffar Choudhury
LANGUAGE MOVEMENT
AND BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN
Abdul Gaffar Choudhury
Father of the
Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had a special contribution to the
Language Movement. A lifelong supporter of the mother language, he dedicated
his services to acquiring the due recognition of Bangla language in the initial
phase of the Language Movement in 1947 and later on as a lawmaker and as the
President. Till his death, he spoke for, and worked towards, the development
and advancement of Bangla language, and the right of the Bangla speaking
people. To date, literature in the form of articles, novels and books have
failed to adequately depict Bangabandhu’s contributions to the Language
Movement. In some instance, his role has been downplayed. Keeping those in
mind, this article attempts to portray the real extent of Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman’s role in the Language Movement.
If the history
of the Language Movement is analyzed, the truth about Bangabandhu’s
contributions becomes crystal clear. After the 1947 partition, Mohammad Ali
Jinnah became the virtual overlord of Pakistan. Among the two newly created
provinces, the rulers of West Pakistan started discriminating against East
Pakistan on a variety of issues, including language. This gave rise to the
Language Movement. Right after the birth of Pakistan in 1947, some political
activists gathered in Sirajuddoula Hotel in Kolkata to discuss the future of
East Pakistan. That meeting resolved to form a non-communal political movement
and organization in Pakistan. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was present in that
meeting.
In an activists
conference held on 6 and 7 September, 1947 in Dhaka, the Democratic Youth
League was formed. The said conference adopted some proposals regarding
language. In this regard GaziulHuq comments: “The adopted proposals of the
conference were read out by the erstwhile student leader Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman”. Raising the proposal regarding language, he said: “The workers
conference in East Pakistan proposes that, Bangla language should be made the
medium of writing and legal/administrative language of East Pakistan. As to
what would be the language of the entire Pakistan should be left to further
discussions, negotiations, and decisions of the general people. The people’s
decision should be considered final in this regard”.
This is how the
first cry for language rights was made [Source:
“BhashaAndoloneBanagabandhu’rBhumika”,
GaziulHuq,
(Language Movement and Bangabandhu)’, BangabandhuGobeshonaKendro 1994].
Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman directly joined the Language Movement after coming back
to East Pakistan from India. At the outset of the movement, he participated in
the activities for national language movement of TomuddunMojlish. Biographer of
Bangabandhu’s early life Professor Dr. Mazharul Islam states in this regard:
“Sheikh Mujibur Rahman helped and supported this party on many works related to
the national language” (Source: Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib, Mazharul Islam:
Dhaka, Agami Publication, 1993, Page 104). In 1947, he participated in the
signature collection campaign and various meetings and processions with the
RashtroBhashaShongramPorishod. On 5 December 1947, he led a procession and
attended the meeting of the Muslim League Working Committee held at the
residence of NawabNazimuddin, demanding Bangla be recognized as the state
language.
In
December 1947, 14 language heroes including contemporary some politicians,
formulated a 21 points manifesto which for the first time propagated the
Language Movement. Within those 21 points in the manifesto, the second item was
regarding the state language. This historical document came out as a small
booklet called: “Rashtrobhasha
Ekush DofaIshtehar-
Oitihashik Dolil” (State Language-21 Points
Manifesto- Historical Document). This booklet is recognized a historical
documentary evidence of the Language Movement. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had an
undeniable contribution in the drafting of this manifesto and was one of the
key signatories. In this regard, Professor of History at Dhaka University, Dr.
Syed Anowar Hossain says: “The publication of the booklet within 3-4 months of
the creation of Pakistan represented a call for the residents of East Pakistan
to wake up from the illusion of the concept of Pakistan. The people in whose
name the booklet came out were all dedicated activists for the movement of
Pakistan. It is to be noted that one of these people was Faridpur’s (currently
Gopalganj) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman; who subsequently led Bangladesh to its
creation as Bangabandhu” (To know more, see “RashtrobhashaEkushDofaIshtehar -
OitihashikDolil”, Shaikhul Bari, Reprinted January 2002).
The “Workers
Camp” at No. 150 Mogultuli was at that time the meeting hub of progressive
students, youths and political activists. The members of the Workers Camp
exposed the issue of Bangla language and other discrimination by Pakistan in
front of the nation. The people in support of the Language Movement used to
regularly frequent this place and many plans to realize the goal of making
Bangla the state language used to be pitched here. Sheikh Mujib, Showkat Ali,
Kamruddin Ahmed and others were the lifeblood of this camp. Bahauddin Chowdhury
states: “Even after the formation of Pakistan in 1947, 150 Mogultuli continued
to be the incubator of opposition politics. Leaders like Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,
Zahiruddin and Naimuddin used to gather at 150 Mogultuli”. (Source: 150 Mogultuli,
Bahauddin Chowdhury, JanakanthaEid Edition, 2008). The East Pakistan Muslim
Students League was formed on 4 January 1948. The legacy of this organization
in the history of the Language Movement was remarkable. Formed under the aegis
of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 4 January 1948, the 10-point demands of
Students League included, among others, the demand to make Bangla a state
language of Pakistan, recruitment of Bangali officers in the military and
mandatory military education for all.
During
the strike of 26 February, there was a meeting chaired by Chief Professor
AbulKashem at Dhaka University premises. Students from Dhaka University, Dhaka
Medical College, Engineering College and Engineering School boycotted their
classes and joined the meeting. As to the contributions of Sheikh Mujib during
the 26 February strike, Dr. Mazharul Islam states: “It should be noted that in
this procession, Sheikh Mujibur played a leading role in the overall management
and direction. Sheikh Mujib, along with other progressive student leaders
deeply understood the need for building up a universal campaign for
establishing Bangla as a state language” (Source: Language Movement and Sheikh
Mujib, Pages 19-20). He met with leaders of ShongramParishad and even released a
joint statement. The ShongramParishad was reformed at the joint meeting of
TomoddunMajlish and Muslim Students League held at FazlulHuq Muslim Hall on 2
March 1948. This meeting was attended by leaders and activists of various
organizations, of whom Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, ShamsulHuq, Oli Ahad, Muhammad
Toaha, AbulKashem, Ronesh Das Gupta, AjitGuha were notable. The meeting decided
to build up a concerted movement against position on Bangla language of
National Assembly and Muslim League by forming the All Party Council for
Struggle on State Language. This included two members each from GanaAzadi
League, Democratic Youth League, East Pakistan Muslim Students League,
TomoddunMajlish, committees of residential halls and youth organizations.
ShamsulAlam was elected as the Convener of the Council. Sheikh Mujib played an
active, bold and farsighted role in the formation of the Council.
11 March of 1948
was a memorable day for the history of the Language Movement. On this date, a
spontaneous strike was observed throughout the country for demanding Bangla as
the state language. This was the first successful strike in the history of the
Language Movement as well as after the formation of Pakistan. Sheikh Mujib was
arrested and repressed by police after leading this strike. Language Veteran
Oli Ahad in his book “National Politics 1945-1975” wrote: “In order to take
part in the strike, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman came to Dhaka from Gopalganj on 10
March. During the strike programme of 11 March, Sheikh Mujib was so involved and
excited that this strike redefined the course of life”. The publication “Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman: Life and Politics”, edited by Monayem Sarkar and published by
Bangla Academy states: “This was the first arrest for him in independent
Pakistan”
In order to make the strike on 11 March
successful, a statement was released to the press on 9 March, 1948. This was
signed by Professor AbulKashem (Secretary of TomoddunMajlish), Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman (Member of East Pakistan Muslim League Council), Naimuddin Ahmed (Convener
of East Pakistan Muslim Students League) and Abdur Rahman Chowdhury (Leader of
Pakistan delegation in Southeast Asia Youth Conference). The significance of
this statement was immense in the context of national politics and history of
the Language Movement. Being arrested on 11 March was a turning point in the
life of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Speaking on the importance of 11
March in the history of the Language Movement and his own arrest, Bangabandhu
said: “The Language Movement did not start on 21 February 1952, it mainly
started on 11 March, 1948” (Source: Daily Azad, 16 February, 1971). He added
“Our movement started with the formation of the All Party Council for State
Language by the Students League on 11 March 1948. On that day, I was arrested
at around 9 in the morning. My fellow activists were also arrested. From there,
the movement went ahead in phases”. On 15 March 1948, the Chief Minister of
East Pakistan KhwajaNazimuddin signed an 8-points agreement with the Council
for the Struggle of State Language. Before the agreement was signed, it was
shown to the arrested activists of the Language Movement, who also gave their
approval to the deal. Only after such endorsement was the agreement signed.
Among those incarcerated, Sheikh Mujib also viewed the document and gave his
approval. This historic agreement resulted in the first official recognition of
Bangla as a language of education. The terms of the agreement also resulted in
the arrested language activists being freed, including Sheikh Mujib. The deal
also signified the defeat of the powerful government to the demands of the
people of East Pakistan. However, the government started dilly dallying with
the issue of liberating the incarcerated leaders from March 15. This made
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman furious and he issued a strong condemnation of it.
On March 16, 1948, a general students’
demonstration was held under the Banyan Tree in Dhaka University to consolidate
the Language Movement. Following the demonstration, a procession was taken out
towards the East Pakistan Legislative Assembly. This meeting was led by the
recently freed leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. From the narrative of Bangabandhu,
it was learnt that some excesses were committed during the demonstration and
procession. He said: “There was some demonstration against the MLAs. Abuses
were hurled against and some were even roughed up. One MLA from Bagerhat named
Dr. Moazzem was confined by students in Muslim Hall. I went there to arrange
his release. Shawkat was injured on the evening of that day by police” (Source:
BhashaAndolonProshongo, Certain Documents, Part 2, Badruddin Omar: Dhaka,
Bangla Academy, 1985, Page 325).
On March 17, 1948, a general students’
demonstration was held under the Banyan Tree in Dhaka University called by East
Pakistan Muslim Students League led by Naimuddin Ahmed. Sheikh Mujib
participated in that meeting (See National Politics, 1945-1975, Oli Ahad). The
decision was taken to observe nationwide strike in educational institutions on
the 17th. The strike of that day received never seen before support. Sheikh
Mujib came to be known as a youth leader with a resolute stance and unfettering
courage from that time onward to the general student body. Due to the
relentless efforts of Sheikh Mujib, Tajuddin Ahmed, Mohammad Toaha, Naimuddin
Ahmed, Shawkat Ali, Abdul Matin, ShamsulHuq and others the Language Movement
spread across East Pakistan as a mass movement. Entire Bangladesh was
reverberating with the vibrations of meetings, processions and slogans. There
were posters on the walls of streets after streets saying “We Want Bangla as
State Language”. To realize the demand, the Shongram Committee worked without
rest. Among those student leaders who worked inextricably with the Committee,
Sheikh Mujib was most notable. His role was particularly effective when leading
processions or demonstrations. (Source: Language Movement and Bangabandhu, Page
3). In 1949, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested twice for his activities in the
movement.
Sheikh Mujib was in jail during the
explosive phase of the Language Movement in 1952. Although he was not
physically present during the activities of that time, he used to meet with the
activists in jail and give directions. (Source: 21st February, National to
International, Dr. Mohammad Hannan, Page 53). In this regard, Language Veteran
GaziulHuq wrote in his memoirs: “After being arrested in the October of 1948,
Mr. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was incarcerated at various prisons up to the
February of 1952. Hence, naturally, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman could not physically
participate in the Language Movement of 1952. But from jail, he maintained
communications with the activists and leaders of the movement and advised on
various issues”. (GaziulHuq, “Amar Dekha, Amar Lekha”, Page 40). The key leaders
of the movement, including AbdusSamad Azad, Zillur Rahman, Kamruzzaman, Abdul
Matin and others have all unequivocally stated that Bangabandhu used to send
his directions through small pieces of paper from jail and subsequently from
hospital. Language Veteran and renowned journalist Abdul Gaffar Chowdhury wrote
in his article “EKushNiyeKichuSriti, KichuKotha” that Sheikh Mujib sent letters
to multiple leaders of Students’ League before being taken to Faridpur Jail on
February 16, 1952. (Source: Bhalobashi Matribhasha, Page 62).
National leader Shaheed Suhrawardy took a
stance against the Language Movement of 1952. He issued a statement supporting
Urdu as the state language. The movement could have suffered immense damage had
he maintained this stance of his. (Source: (Source: 21st February, National to
International, Dr. Mohammad Hannan, Page 53).
But Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was able to
change his mind in this regard and was able to solicit his support for the
cause of promulgating Bangla as the state language. He himself observed in this
regard: “We got into a lot of trouble when Shaheed Suhrawardy issued the
statement regarding language. So, in the June of that year, I went to Karachi
to meet him. I explained the situation to him and asked him to issue a statement
supporting the demand for Bangla”. (Source: Language Movement of East Bengal
and Contemporary Politics, Part 3, Badruddin Omar, Page 396). Due to
Bangabandhu’s love for his language and political will, Suhrawardy did finally
issue a statement supporting instatement of Bangla as a state language of
Pakistan. That statement was published by Ittefaq on June 29, 1952. In 1952, a
statement of MaulanaBhashani was featured in Daily Ittefaq. There he said: “If
Mujibhad not convince Suhrawardy to change his mind about supporting Bangla
language, then not only the Language Movement, but the future of Awami League
too would have been rendered uncertain”. Only a farsighted leader like
Bangabandhu could have achieved such a feat. This contribution of Bangabandhu to
Bangla language and the Language Movement would remain etched in time
immemorial.
On April 27,
1952, the council of district and sub-district level representatives of the
“ShorbodoliyoRashtrobhashaShongramParishad” was held. During chairing the
event, AtaurRahman Khan at one point fell unconscious from illness. At this
point, the written speech of the chair was read out by Kamruddin Ahmed. In that
representative conference, on behalf of Awami League, a speech was delivered by
the party’s acting General Secretary Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Bangabandhu did not
leave the cause of Bangla language even after 1952. His contributions in the
events leading up to the Language Movement is undeniable. In the legislative
assembly, his voice roared with the demands of making Bangla a state language,
using Bangla at all levels, and conducting the day to day activities of the
Assembly in Bangla.
Bangabandhu played a key role in
observing the first anniversary of Ekushe in 1953. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman was at the front of every demonstration and procession on that day. In
the public rally at Armanitola Field, he requested that 21st February be
observed as the martyrs day and demanded that Bangla be immediately be
recognized as the state language.
Jukto Front was formed using the spirit
unleashed by the Language Movement of 1952. During 1954, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
played a crucial role in contemporary politics and development of Bangla
language as a Minister of Jukto Front government. In later times, he was able
to voice these demands for Bangla language and the Bangalis of East Pakistan in
a more amplified manner in front of the nation.
The responsibility of resolving the
language issue fell on Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman because of his undying
love of Bangla and his successful and prudent leadership in nurturing the
potential and development of Bangla at all levels. This great man introduced to
the world stage the struggle for Bangla, the language and its users. The
historic role he played by delivering his speech in Bangla at the United
Nations on September 25 1974 will forever be remembered in golden letters. This
was the first successful attempt at establishing the dignity of Bangla language
on the international arena.
On January 17, 1956, Bangabandhu demanded
that the daily cause list of the Legislative Assembly be published in Bangla.
On the session of February 7 of the same year, he said regarding the issue of
state language vis-a-vis the draft constitution: “In East Bengal, we don’t
understand official language to be the same as state language. Hence, the
provision in the draft constitution dealing with language of the state has been
inserted with ulterior motives”. He reminded everyone that 56% people of
Pakistan speak in Bangla and said: “No games can be played regarding the
question of state language. The demand of the people of East Pakistan is that
Bangla be also recognized as a state language”. On the session of the
Legislative Assembly on February 16, he reiterated his demand to make Bangla a
state language. (Source: BhalobashiMatribhasha, Publication on the 50th
Anniversary of the Language Movement, Bangladesh Awami League, March 2002,
Pages 182-191).
During his time as the President, on
March 12, 1975, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman gave his official order to
start using Bangla as the official language. Promulgated by President Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, the order stated: “The state language of the People’s Republic
of Bangladesh is Bangla. Bangla is our national language. However, it has been
noticed with utmost regret that even after three years of independence,
officials documents are still being drafted in the foreign language English
instead of the mother language Bangla. It is difficult to believe that those
who don’t have love for their mother languagecan have love for their
motherland. It is intolerable that Bangali officials of Bangladesh would draft
their documents in English even after three years have passed. Such
irregularities are taking place despite my previous order. Such insubordination
cannot be allowed to continue” (Secretariat of the President, Ganabhaban,
Dhaka, Dated 30/12/75, General-729/9(400), 12 March 1975).