Father of Bengali Nation By Abdul Gaffar Choudhury

Father of Bengali Nation

By Abdul Gaffar Choudhury

The life of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the saga of a great leader turning peoplepower into an armed struggle that liberated a nation and created the world’s ninth most populous state. The birth of the sovereign state of Bangladesh in December 1971, after a heroic war of nine months against the Pakistani colonial rule, was the triumph of his faith in the destiny of his people. Sheikh Mujib, endearingly called Bangabandhu or friend of Bangladesh, rose from the people, molded their hopes and aspirations into a dream and staked his life in the long battle for making it real. He was a true democrat, and he employed in his struggle for securing justice and fairplay for the Bengalees only democratic and constitutional weapons until the last moment. It is no accident of history that in an age of military coup d’etat and ‘strong men’, Sheikh Mujib attained power through elections and mass movement and that in an age of decline of democracy he firmly established democracy in one of the least developed countries of Asia.

Sheikh Mujib was born on 17 March 1920 in a middle class family at Tungipara in Gopalganj district. Standing 5 feet 11 inches, he was taller than the average Bengalee. Nothing pleased him more than being close to the masses, knowing their joys and sorrows and being part of their travails and triumphs. He spoke their soft language but in articulating their sentiments his voice was powerful and resonant. He had not been educated abroad, nor did he learn the art of hiding feelings behind sophistry; yet he was loved as much by the urban educated as the common masses of the villages. He inspired the intelligentsia and the working class alike. He did not, however, climb to leadership overnight.

Early Political Life: His political life began as an humble worker while he was still a student. He was fortunate to come in early contact with such towering personalities as Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy and A K Fazlul Huq, both charismatic Chief Ministers of undivided Bengal. Adolescent Mujib grew up under the gathering gloom of stormy politics as the aging British raj in India was falling apart and the Second World War was violently rocking the continents. He witnessed the ravages of the war and the stark realities of the great famine of 1943 in which about five million people lost their lives. The tragic plight of the people under colonial rule turned young Mujib into a rebel.

This was also the time when he saw the legendary revolutionary Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose challenging the British raj. Also about this time he came to know the works of Bernard Shaw, Karl Marx, Rabindranath Tagore and rebel poet Kazi Nazrul Islam. Soon after the partition of India in 1947 it was felt that the creation of Pakistan with its two wings separated by a physical distance of about 1,200 miles was a geographical monstrosity. The economic, political, cultural and linguistic characters of the two wings were also different. Keeping the two wings together under the forced bonds of a single state structure in the name of religious nationalism would merely result in a rigid political control and economic exploitation of the eastern wing by the all-powerful western wing which controlled the country’s capital and its economic and military might.

Early Movement: In 1948 a movement was initiated to make Bengali one of the state languages of Pakistan. This can be termed the first stirrings of the movement for an independent Bangladesh. The demand for cultural freedom gradually led to the demand for national independence. During that language movement Sheikh Mujib was arrested and sent to jail. During the blood-drenched language movement in 1952 he was again arrested and this time he provided inspiring leadership of the movement from inside the jail.

In 1954 Sheikh Mujib was elected a member of the then East Pakistan Assembly. He joined A K Fazlul Huq’s United Front government as the youngest minister. The ruling clique of Pakistan soon dissolved this government and Shiekh Mujib was once again thrown into prison. In 1955 he was elected a member of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly and was again made a minister when the Awami League formed the provincial government in 1956. Soon after General Ayub Khan staged a military coup in Pakistan in 1958, Sheikh Mujib was arrested once again and a number of cases were instituted against him. He was released after 14 months in prison but was re-arrested in February 1962. In fact, he spent the best part of his youth behind the prison bars.

Supreme Test: March 7, 1971 was a day of supreme test in his life. Nearly two million freedom loving people assembled at the Ramna Race Course Maidan, later renamed Suhrawardy Uddyan, on that day to hear their leader’s command for the battle for liberation. The Pakistani military junta was also waiting to trap him and to shoot down the people on the plea of suppressing a revolt against the state. Sheikh Mujib spoke in a thundering voice but in a masterly well-calculated restrained language. His historic declaration in the meeting was: "Our struggle this time is for freedom. Our struggle this time is for independence." To deny the Pakistani military an excuse for a crackdown, he took care to put forward proposals for a solution of the crisis in a constitutional way and kept the door open for negotiations.

The crackdown, however, did come on March 25 when the junta arrested Sheikh Mujib for the last time and whisked him away to West Pakistan for confinement for the entire duration of the liberation war. In the name of suppressing a rebellion the Pakistani military let loose hell on the unarmed civilians throughout Bangladesh and perpetrated a genocide killing no less than three million men, women and children, raping women in hundreds of thousands and destroying property worth billions of taka. Before their ignominious defeat and surrender they, with the help of their local collaborators, killed a large number of intellectuals, university professors, writers, doctors, journalists, engineers and eminent persons of other professions. In pursuing a scorch-earth policy they virtually destroyed the whole of the country’s infrastructure. But they could not destroy the indomitable spirit of the freedom fighters nor could they silence the thundering voice of the leader. Tape recordings of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib’s 7th March speech kept on inspiring his followers throughout the war.

Return and Reconstruction: Forced by international pressure and the imperatives of its own domestic predicament, Pakistan was obliged to release Sheikh Mujib from its jail soon after the liberation of Bangladesh and on 10 January 1972 the great leader returned to his beloved land and his admiring nation.

But as he saw the plight of the country his heart bled and he knew that there would be no moment of rest for him. Almost the entire nation including about ten million people returning from their refuge in India had to be rehabilitated, the shattered economy needed to be put back on the rail, the infrastructure had to be rebuilt, millions had to be saved from starvation and law and order had to be restored. Simultaneously, a new constitution had to be framed, a new parliament had to be elected and democratic institutions had to be put in place. Any ordinary mortal would break down under the pressure of such formidable tasks that needed to be addressed on top priority basis. Although simple at heart, Sheikh Mujib was a man of cool nerves and of great strength of mind. Under his charismatic leadership the country soon began moving on to the road to progress and the people found their long-cherished hopes and aspirations being gradually realized.

Assassination: But at this critical juncture, his life was cut short by a group of anti-liberation reactionary forces who in a pre-dawn move on 15 August 1975 not only assassinated him but 23 of his family members and close associates. Even his 10 year old son Russel’s life was not spared by the assassins. The only survivors were his two daughters, Sheikh Hasina - now the country’s Prime Minister - and her younger sister Sheikh Rehana, who were then away on a visit to Germany. In killing the father of the Nation, the conspirators ended a most glorious chapter in the history of Bangladesh but they could not end the great leader’s finest legacy- the rejuvenated Bengali nation. In a fitting tribute to his revered memory, the present government has declared August 15 as the national mourning day. On this day every year the people would be paying homage to the memory of a man who became a legend in his won lifetime. Bangabandhu lives in the heart of his people. Bangladesh and Bangabandhu are one and inseparable. Bangladesh was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s vision and he fought and died for it.

My practical experience, some of new leaders of BNP (retired amla) wants to be leader. They want to show something to Khaleda Zia in strike period. Want to be talk of the day as like Sadek Hossain Khoka. Khoka hold liquid tomato pack with him and blasted in due time while police caught him on the streets. Remember people? Shamsher Mobin Choudhury Beer Bikram Freedom fighter, I salute for his contribution, but I enjoyed his acting on strike period with police SI. He want to be arrested then news will be like this “Beer Bikram Shamsher Mobin Choudhury didn’t relief from the police tortured.

Good attitude but no need to do this simple acting for growing the attraction of Khaleda. Next time he will be foreign Minister if BNP comes to the power.

Read More

The Greatest Speech of the Greatest Bangali By A A M S Arefin Siddique

The Greatest Speech of the Greatest Bangali

By A A M S Arefin Siddique

 

The speech that our Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman delivered 38 years ago was an amazing event in the context of theoretical application of communication science. An incredible manifestation of modern communication concepts could be observed in this historic speech by the greatest Bangali of all times– Bangabandhu. Bangabandhu completed this timeless speech in 19 minutes by uttering between 58 and 60 words per minute. In broadcasting theory, 60 words per minute is considered to be an ideal. There were no annoying repetitions in the speech of 1,107 words. There were no unnecessary articulations – only the gist or core points. However, repetition at one or two places had reinforced the inner meaning of the speech.

 

The opening lines of a speech are considered to be very important. It is therefore said: ‘There is nothing like a good beginning for a speech’. The communication theorists say, the audience orientation and recent happenings should be highlighted in the opening words. This reference to the audience found marvellous expression in this epoch-making speech by Bangabandhu. Bangabandhu had started his address like this: “My dear brothers, I have come before you today with a heavy heart. All of you know and understand how hard we have tried. But it is a matter of sorrow that the streets of Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rangpur and Rajshahi have today become coloured with the blood of my brothers. Today, the people of Bangla want freedom, they want to live, the people of Bangla want their rights.” It was a highly effective introduction to the speech, which laid the foundation for the main address and provided indications to the audience regarding what was to follow.

 

If the contents of the speech is analysed, it is seen that it was basically a message about the emergence of a new state on the global map and a notification cum narrative on the winding up of the eastern region of the then Pakistani state as a natural progression. The 7^th March speech was the main mantra and theory for an independent Bangladesh. This address was like a war-cry during the nine months of the liberation war. Whether children or juvenile, young or old, everybody became excited after listening to this speech. This speech – articulated in Bangabandhu’s own voice – not only united the 7 crore Bangalis – it taught them the mantra of joining the liberation war. This address was a de-facto declaration of Bangladesh’s independence. The ‘speech idioms’ appropriate for mass communication were correctly applied in this speech. It was a dialogue between the people of Bangladesh and their undisputed leader on the eve of Bangladesh’s birth. This fluent and extempore speech delivered in a lucid language and style was the principal document of our liberty. Bangabandhu quite adeptly adopted a conversational style while delivering this speech in order to attract the audience. He raised questions at different stages. Specifically, he posed five questions. ‘What wrong have we done? What did we get? What R-T- C? With whom shall we sit? Shall we sit with those who had taken the blood of my people?” Proper application of the ‘ask question, then answer’ prescription had taken place for connecting with the audience. Logical use of the present tense refreshed the speech. Bangabandhu had also intermingled the past and future tenses quite beautifully in his speech for the sake of a conversational style.

 

 

Sentences naturally became shorter in those parts of the address where Bangabandhu gave orders, directives or warnings. The prescriptions of the communication theoreticians on making the declarative sentences shorter found reflection in Bangabandhu’s speech. Some examples may be cited from the speech. For example, “the employees will fetch their salaries on the 28^th. Turn all your homes into fortresses. I say to the government employees: what I say has to be obeyed. As long as this country does not become free, no revenues-taxes will be paid. Nobody will pay.”

 

An essential characteristic of a statesmanlike and authoritative speech is not only to familiarise the audience with future initiatives and work-plan, but also to motivate and inspire them to participate actively. Bangabandhu’s words were inspirational: “I call upon you to turn every home into fortresses, confront the enemy with whatever you have and close all roads for life even if I am not around to give orders.” The seven and a half crore people of Bangladesh had accepted these orders as more important than mere directives. A humanitarian outlook was a key feature of Bangabandhu’s character. The 7 March speech had demonstrated that his liberal humanism did not diminish even while issuing stern warnings. While standing on the crossroads of life and death of a nation, he cautioned, “We will starve them of food, we will deprive them of water.” But this was immediately followed by words of reassurance: “You are my brothers – you stay in the barracks, nobody will tell you anything. But do not attempt to shoot at my heart.” This coexistence of hard and soft attributes could always be observed in the big heart of Bangabandhu.

 

The speech was an informative one, because it incorporated appropriate facts. The audience were tremendously inspired because of the sharpness of its logic. In Bangabandhu’s words: “The arms which were purchased with my money for protecting the country from attacks by external enemies are now being used against the poor, sad and suffering people of my country. Bullets are being fired on their chests. We are the majority in Pakistan, whenever we Bangalis tried to go to power, they pounced upon us.” This kind of powerful argument in such simple words was a natural attribute of Bangabandhu’s address. Mention is made today about the expansion or repetition of the introductory words in the middle of an speech in order to increase its effectiveness. This aspect has also found amazing expression in Bangabandhu’s speech. Towards the middle of the address, he said, “I told him, Mr. Yahya Khan, you are the President of Pakistan, come to Dhaka and see how our poor, our Bangali people have been mowed down by your bullets, how the laps of our mothers have been emptied, how my people have been slaughtered! You come, see for yourself and then judge.”

 

Bangabandhu followed properly the rules of ‘put the attributes first’ while making references to quotations. He made comments after mentioning the source first. For example, “Mr. Bhutto said, he would not go;” or, “Yahya Khan took over the government. He said, he would give constitution, democracy to the country, we accepted.” The main job of a public speech is setting an agenda, which was repeatedly done by Bangabandhu’s speech. The following part of his address shows that there was no change in his humanitarian approach even while announcing tough programmes:

 

“I want to pronounce clearly that the courts, offices, criminal courts and educational institutions will remain closed from today indefinitely. Other items will remain outside the purview of the strike, so that the poor don’t suffer and my people do not endure hardship. Rickshaws, hors -drawn carriages, trains and launches will run; only the Secretariat, Supreme Court, High Court, Judge Court, semi-government offices like WAPDA shall not operate.” Status conferral function with regard to individuals and events is an important aspect of mass communication. Application of this premise could be observed in various parts of Bangabandhu’s address. He said for example, “And those labourer brothers who had joined this 7-day strike, industry owners will reach them their salary,” or, “And those people who were martyred or sustained injury, we shall try to help them as much as we can on behalf of the Awami League.”

 

The need for posing a challenge for obtaining effective results in public addresses and mass communication is well-known. When Bangabandhu said towards the end of his speech, “Set up action committees under the leadership of Awami League in all villages and townships, and remain prepared with whatever you have. Remember, since we have learnt to give blood, we shall give more of it – we shall free the people of this land by the grace of Allah,” it showed that he could hook the audience to the speech with a high degree of efficiency by applying the art and techniques of communication theory. The modern communication theorists say that the decisive part of a speech should generally be pronounced towards the end. The last sentence of Bangabandhu’s 7 March speech, “The struggle this time is for emancipation! The struggle this time is for independence!” was effectively a declaration of independence expressed with a firm resolve, which had in fact defined the speech. The way he concluded the speech tallied exactly with the text-books of communication theory. It is said, “don’t drag out your conclusion.” We often use words like “In conclusion” or “We must say one thing” while concluding a speech. But Bangabandhu directly entered the ‘speech definition’ in his historic address – through an appropriate application of communication theory, which was quite unthinkable 38 years ago.

 

In his address delivered on 4 June 1940, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill had said: “We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills, we shall never surrender.” Here, ‘we shall fight’ was the definition of that speech. Similarly, when Martin Luther King delivered his historic address on 28 August 1963, the definition part of his speech was “I have a dream.” A portion of that address was as follows:

 

“I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed, We hold these truths to be self -evident, that all men are created equal, I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the colour of their skin, but by the content of their character.” We know that powerful speeches are always short. The fiery and ground-breaking address of Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman delivered on 7 March 1971 is the best example of this genre. A speech that could inspire an entire nation to join the liberation war was a rare event in history. Analysis of the importance, significance and timeliness of this speech, which contained the directives and declaration of the liberation war in Bangabandhu’s own voice, has remained a gold-mine for researchers. The manner in which this address had invigorated and indoctrinated the Bangalis with the mantra of liberty added a new chapter in the annals of speeches. This historic address is considered to be a compulsory text at home and abroad by the experts of public speeches, researchers and communication theorists. A polished and clear presentation on our day-to-day perceptions and idealistic position is a key premise for public addresses.

 

In this context, a quotation by Dale Carnegie can be recalled here. He said, “The best argument is one, which seems merely an explanation.” A lucid and detailed explanation about the events unfolding at the time made this speech withstand the test of logic for all times to come. Although the historic 7 March speech was an extempore one, what was noticeable about it was that annoying repetitions and hesitations in framing words as observed in such speeches were totally absent. It was possible for Bangabandhu alone to deliver such an unostentatious, direction-giving, poetic speech without any break and without taking any help from notes while standing in the middle of a sea of people. That is why, the international periodical ‘Newsweek’ termed Bangabandhu as a ‘Poet of Politics’ in the cover story of its 5 April 1971 issue. This speech was literally a revolution – which culminated in our liberation war and freedom. Such spectacular application of words was truly an amazing event.

 

An analysis of the application of words by Bangabandhu reminds us of the famous quotation by the third President of the United States Thomas Jefferson (1743- 1826): “The most valuable of all talents is that of never using two words when one will do.” This 7 March address of 1971 was not only the greatest speech in Bengali language, it is one of the best in the entire world. This is because, this speech was simultaneously the declaration of our independence and the inspiration of our liberation war.

 

This speech will continue to rekindle the Bangali nation with a spark of fire, show the path of realizing the mundane truths and provide political direction to emancipation of the Bangali people.

Read More

Bangabandhu’s 7th March Speech Reshaped History By Amir Hossain

Bangabandhu’s 7th March Speech Reshaped History

Amir Hossain

I beg to be excused by the respected readers for taking pride in the fact that I was one of those fortunate reporters who covered the historic 7th March speech of Bangabandhu in 1971. It was a great event for all of us as such a historic speech is delivered rarely once in a century and so it is a glory to be a witness to that. I had the opportunity to cover Bangabandhu’s speech as a senior staff reporter of daily Ittefaq. Long 44 years have elapsed since 7 March 1971, but the whole scenario including the mammoth gathering of freedom loving people and the epoch-making address by Bangabandhu, the poet of politics, are still fresh in my mind. I consider it as the most glorious success of my life as a journalist that I had the opportunity to cover Bangabandhu’s 7 March speech which is compared by many with the Gettysburg Address of Abraham Lincoln. And to us it was more than that.

 

I was then attached to Bangabandhu for covering the political developments. Much before his address was delivered, the whole Race Course, now Suhrawardy Udyan, turned into a human sea. I still wonder, how about one million people of all ages and from all parts of the country, many carrying ‘lathis and baithas’ in hands and all chanting thunderous slogans of ‘Joy Bangla,’ and ‘Joy Bangabandhu’ had gathered at the Race Course Ground that day. It seemed to us that only a small number of people of Dhaka, then a small city, stayed back at their homes that day. I had the privilege to cover about 150 public meetings of Bangabandhu across the country before and after the 1970 elections. But never before had I seen Bangabandhu in such a revolutionary appearance as on 7 March. In my opinion history allows a great leader to appear in such revolutionary image and with such decisive address only once in a lifetime. And for Bangabandhu the day was 7 March and the address was the one delivered on that day. In the general elections held in December 1970 Awami League led by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had bagged majority seats of Pakistan National Assembly. 3rd March was fixed by President Yahya Khan as the date for the inaugural session of the Assembly in Dhaka. But a deep conspiracy was hatched to foil the verdict of the people of Bangladesh. And as part of that President Yahya Khan on 1 March 1971 in an impromptu address to the nation postponed sine die the scheduled inaugural session of the Assembly. In fact, that was the beginning of the end of the existence of Pakistan as a state, which was, in fact, ‘a historical mystery, geographical absurdity and political blunder.’

 

Bangladesh was thrown into flames by Yahya Khan’s sudden announcement. On March 1, a test cricket match was in progress at the Dhaka stadium. No sooner had the announcement come on air at 1 pm, people ransacked the stadium and came out with slogans in favour of independence. Bangabandhu and his party colleagues were holding a meeting then at Hotel Purbani in Motijheel. Angry demonstrators gathered there in thousands and raised various slogans. Bangabandhu in a brief address to them protested the postponement of the Parliament session and urged the people to unite against the conspiracy. On 2nd March students hoisted new ‘National flag of Bangladesh’ on Dhaka University campus. In protest against the military junta’s conspiracy against Bangalees, Bangabandhu launched a non-cooperation movement and called for countrywide 6 AM-2 PM hartal everyday from March 2 to 6. On March 3 Swadhin Bangla Chhatra Sangram Parishad revealed the ‘Manifesto of Independence’ at a public meeting at Paltan Maidan. Dhaka had turned into a city of processions on 3 March. In scores of processions people in thousands attended the public meeting organised by Students’ Action Committee at Paltan Maidan. From this meeting Bangabandhu announced his non-cooperation movement programme. He said payment of taxes will remain suspended until the government repression is stopped.  Hartal will be observed everyday from 6 AM to 2 PM. All offices, courts, mills and factories, school-colleges, rail-steamer will remain closed. “Come to Race Course on 7 March, I shall announce the next course of action,” he said. Then amid continued hartal and movement on the streets came the unforgettable 7 March 1971. On that day Bangabandhu made a historic address at Race Course that reshaped the history and led the nation towards freedom.  Bangabandhu in his address narrated the stories of deprivation of and repression on the people of Bangladesh and urged the people to turn every house into a fort and get ready with whatever is available to fight the enemy. He vowed, “As we have shed blood, we would give more blood, but must we liberate the people of Bangladesh, Inshallah”. As the elected leader of 75 million people Bangabandhu declared amid thunderous applauses of the people, “The struggle this time is for our emancipation, the struggle this time is for independence”.

 

Bangabandhu in his speech tactfully stopped short of making unilateral declaration of independence in order to avert a possible massacre of the people starting from Race Course that very day. He took time and left the option open for eventual ‘talks’ only on strategic ground. This showed another aspect of Bangabandhu’s prudence, political sagacity and love for his people. Bangabandhu’s 7 March address gave the nation the guideline for armed struggle for liberation. And from that point of view 7 March address was the informal declaration of independence which was given the final shape by him in the early hours of 26 March, 1971. Since the beginning of the Non-Cooperation Movement the administration of Pakistani rulers had virtually collapsed and Bangladesh was being run under the directives of Bangabandhu. Especially after his historic 7th March speech everybody in Bangladesh took him as the lawful and real ruler of Bangladesh. It was due to this fact that the then Chief Justice of Dhaka High Court Justice BA Siddiqui refused to administer oath of office to ‘Butcher of Beluchistan’ general Tikkah Khan who was appointed as the governor of ‘East Pakistan’ replacing moderate Shahebzada Yakub Khan.

 

Well ahead of the proclamation of independence of Bangladesh in the early hours of March 26, Bangabandhu on March 7 declared: ‘The struggle this time is for our emancipation, the struggle this time is for independence’. This declaration, in fact, was the maiden formal message of Bangabandhu to the people to get ready for armed struggle to achieve independence. Bangabandhu’s speech changed the course of history and the whole nation started preparing for final showdown with the Pakistani rulers. People across the country - from the capital to remote villages - continued to raise slogans like: ‘Sab Kother Shesh Koth Bangladesher Swadhinata’ and ‘Bir Bangalee Astro Dhoro, Bangladesh Mukto Koro’. The entire country from Teknaf to Tetulia was boiling with tension running high. Against this backdrop, President Yahya Khan came to Dhaka on 15 March to hold talks with Bangabandhu on the country’s political crisis. In fact, the events that followed made it clear that his move for talks was just a ploy to confuse the people and buy time to finalise preparations for launching a brutal assault on the Bangalees.  

 

Mujib-Yahya meeting started next day, March 16 and continued in several sessions. But the meeting failed to yield any positive outcome. And finally Bangalee nation took up arms for liberation as Bangabandhu had asked them to get prepared for. In other words, the nation fought and achieved independence through armed struggle as outlined by Bangabandhu in his historic 7th March address.

 

This is one of the last articles by Amir Hossain who had been the Acting Editor of this daily. He breathed his last yesterday noon at a city hospital

 

Read More

He was our Caesar By Syed Badrul Ahsan

He was our Caesar

Syed Badrul Ahsan

 

As he effusively welcomed Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to the United Arab Emirates in 1974, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan al Nahiyan remarked how wonderful it was for one sheikh to come in contact with another. Bangladesh's leader smiled mischievously as he replied, "But, brother, there is a difference. I am a very poor sheikh."

 

Both men laughed.

There was forever the human about Bangabandhu, about his dealings with people. He was never a stickler for protocol and often appeared to be saying things out loud which to others might appear blunt. It was in that spirit that he directly asked Indira Gandhi, in Delhi on his way back home from London in early January 1972, when she planned to take Indian soldiers back home from Bangladesh. Mrs Gandhi was equally unequivocal. It would be by his next birthday, in March. She was as good as her word.
There was a thorough political being in Bangabandhu. He had his detractors, but he never looked upon them as his enemies. It was a healthy attitude, one which clearly allowed him to discuss grave political issues with Ayub Khan, ZA Bhutto and Yahya Khan. Ayub offered him Pakistan's prime ministership in 1969, only days after his regime had withdrawn the Agartala case against the Bangalee leader. Mujib predictably declined the offer. It was his moment in the sun. Earlier, arriving in Rawalpindi to attend the Round Table Conference, he mused, "Yesterday a traitor, today a hero." He was, of course, speaking of the vilification he had been put through, which also reminds you of his supreme courage in the face of adversity.
In the course of the Agartala case proceedings in Dhaka, he told stunned western journalists, "You know, they can't keep me here for more than six months." In the event, he was freed in the seventh month. On the first day of the trial, a Bangalee journalist known to Bangabandhu pretended not to hear Mujib calling out to him from the dock. At one point, the newsman whispered that intelligence personnel were around, meaning it was not safe for a conversation. Bangabandhu exploded: "Anyone who wants to live in Bangladesh will have to talk to me." Momentarily, the entire tribunal lapsed into silence.

In January 1972, at his first press conference in Dhaka as prime minister, Bangabandhu spotted Indian journalist Nikhil Chakravartty at the far end of the hall. "Aren't you Nikhil?" he asked loudly. Chakravartty, who had last met Mujib when they were both students in Calcutta in 1946, was surprised that a quarter century later Bangladesh's founder had not failed to recognise him. Having long trekked through muddy village paths in his pursuit of politics, Bangabandhu remembered faces, recalled names, especially those of simple peasants and workers years after he had first come in touch with them.

The father of the nation was never willing to take nonsense from anyone. When Saudi Arabia's King Faisal wondered why Bengalees needed to break away from the Muslim state of Pakistan, Bangabandhu bluntly asked him where the Saudis and other Middle Eastern nations were when Pakistan's Muslim soldiers systematically indulged in murder and rape in occupied Bangladesh in 1971. Faisal said not a word. Neither did Nigeria's Yakubu Gowon when he heard Mujib's response to his own query. Would Pakistan not be a stronger Muslim state had Bangladesh not broken away from it? Bangabandhu's cool, firm response: "Mr president, you are right. Then again, if the subcontinent were not divided, it would be a stronger India for all of us. Asia undivided would be even stronger. Indeed, if the world were not fragmented into myriad states, we would all be stronger than we are. But, Mr president, do we always get what we want out of life?' In late December 1971, when ZA Bhutto told Bangabandhu that he was now Pakistan's president, the Bangalee leader retorted, "But that position belongs to me. I won the election." Bhutto then went on to give him details of the war that had humbled Pakistan.

On a personal note, Bangabandhu gently reprimanded this writer, who had a habit of wanting to see him go by every day, on a drizzly late evening before the old Gono Bhaban in 1973 thus: "Go home and finish your studies. You don't have to be here to see me every day." Three years earlier, on a warm July evening in Quetta, he had put his signature in this writer's autograph book, patted him on his cheeks, and asked him, "Deshe jaabi na (won't you go to your country)?' He was already referring to a future Bangladesh!

Here was a Caesar, as Shakespeare would have said. When comes such another?

Read More

FROM SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN TO OUR BANGABANDHU By Mir Aftabuddin Ahmed

FROM SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN TO OUR BANGABANDHU

Mir Aftabuddin Ahmed

 

As Bangladesh steps into its 46th year as an independent and sovereign nation, it is celebrating its vast achievements,while contemplating the intricate mechanisms needed to address its problems. Nevertheless, how can Bangladeshis ponder about the positives and negatives of their country, without honouring the man whose vision and voice drove the common people into establishing their inalienable rights of self-determination and freedom? It surely cannot. During the month of March, we not only celebrate the life of an iconic political figure, but pay homage to someone whose reach goes beyond the mere avenues of political division. As Bangladesh commemorates its Independence Day on March 26th, we simultaneously rejoice the life of the one and only Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

 

Once an aid to Sheikh Mujib, Barrister Moudud Ahmed now serves as a senior leader in the BNP. He had the unique ability to observe Bangladesh's Founding Father from a close proximity during the late 1960s and early 1970s. In his book, “Bangladesh, era of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman”, Mr. Ahmed refers to an articulate description of Bangabandhu. He said “More pragmatic, efficient, capable and dynamic political personalities than Sheikh Mujibur Rahman might have emerged or may emerge, but it will be very difficult to find someone who has contributed more to the independence movement of Bangladesh and the shaping of its national identity”. In reality, if one is to look at the career of Mujib, it was in his tenacity and willpower to sway political messages and movements which made him into this nation's most discussed personality. There were indeed more educated individuals in East Pakistan's political circle, than Sheikh Mujbur Rahman. Yet as Moudud Ahmed rightly points out, there is little to no doubt in the minds of the citizens of this country that the influence of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in regards to the construction of our national identity and our liberation struggle, is more profound and significant than any other national figure. Mujib did not become the Father of the Nation in one day. He did not make Bangladesh in one day. A series of key events and special moments made him who he was, and by extension gave birth to our country. It was indeed the journey of an individual which stemmed towards a sovereign Bangladesh. Every time the Pakistani leadership faltered, Mujib took the stage and stood tall. Every time democratic principles were threatened by the likes of Ayyub Khan and Yahya Khan, Mujib retaliated with a vociferous democratic platform.

 

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's March 7 speech.

In 1947, the Pakistani Government announced that Urdu, and only Urdu, would be the state language of Pakistan. This naturally angered the large Bangali speaking population of the young nation. Mujib, who was still a young protégé of the iconic Husseyn Shaheeed Suhrawardy, took a key role in encouraging activists to launch strikes and protests against what many thought was an audacious decision. Senior Bangali leaders of the Muslim League, a party of which Mujib was a member, decided to break away from the traditionalist political establishment, and formed the Awami Muslim League in 1949. The likes of Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, and Suhrawardy were political celebrities to the likes of Mujib, and as such the Muslim League's prominence in East Pakistan, especially amongst the youth, was on the wane. The 1952 Language Movement ensured the foundation of the basic norms of Bangali nationalism, an ideology which Mujib tried to instil in the young leaders of the party. Elected as the party's general secretary in 1953, Mujib focussed on expanding the grassroots organisation of  the renamed Awami League, whilst Suhrawardy aimed zto bridge the gap between the socialist wing of the party and established mainstream figures. It was a working relationship which ensured that Mujib had a direct line to Suhrawardy, and as such one which prospered right until the latter's death. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had surely caught the eye of the Bangali leadership in East Pakistan.

 

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Maulana Bhashani

The late 1950s witnessed Mujib getting a glimpse of what governance was like. As a member of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and a coalition Government Minister, he understood the needs and demands that the people of East Pakistan required immediately. He vociferously observed as the increasing divergence between East and West Pakistan, in terms of economic, social, cultural and political issues, became evident. In 1958, when President Ayyub Khan suspended the Constitution, Mujib was arrested and imprisoned until 1961. In 1963, tragedy struck. His beloved mentor Husseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy had passed away. If anyone had a unique and singular effect on our Father of the Nation, it was the towering Suhrawardy. Mujib was in all sense, in total awe of one of Bengal's most coveted statesman. Yet, Suhrawardy's death catapulted Mujib to the head of the Awami League. It is here where the transference of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to Bangabandhu truly began. In the 1964 election, the Awami League put its weight behind opposition candidate led by the spirited Fatima Jinnah. Mujib's support to Ms. Jinnah represented two broad ideas. Firstly, it showcased the Awami League's opposition to Ayyub Khan's severe violation of democratic rights. Secondly, by putting his weight behind a candidate related to Pakistan's Founding Father, Mujib internalised the notion, that given the direction Pakistan was taking as a country, the nation that was envisioned in 1947 was far from being realised. It was a smart and calculated move by Mujib the politician, and it catapulted Awami League to the forefront of Pakistan's national political life.

 

The 1965 War between India and Pakistan showcased the vulnerability of the Eastern wing compared to the West. The likes of Professor Rehman Sobhan and Dr. Kamal Hossain became closely affiliated with Mujib, and brought an intellectual dynamism to the Awami League. What Mujib said through his own voice and represented through his countless arrests, was brought forth in writing and journalism by intellectuals close to the Awami League. The disparity between the Eastern and Western wings was becoming an increasing concern, and as such Mujib made a bold proclamation, that too at Lahore in 1966. The famous 6-Point movement became the focal structural basis for the East Pakistanis upcoming struggle in the next 5 years. Through this plan, Mujib openly demanded autonomy of East Pakistan in economic, governmental, para-military and cultural terms. It was the call for two-wings of East Pakistan to exist as a pure Confederation, and nothing more. These were demands which ensured that Mujib was enemy number one for the political establishment in West Pakistan.

All of Mujib's efforts had culminated into an extremely crucial moment in his life. It was the infamous Agartala Conspiracy Case, a legal battle which was aimed at destroying Sheikh Mujib's political career. Instead, it turned him into our beloved Bangabandhu.The date was 22 February 1969. With a team of firebrand lawyers and the weight of East Pakistanis behind him, Sheikh Mujib had successfully fended off President Ayyub Khan's legal battle against him. The Agartala Conspiracy Case had given East Pakistanis a credible segue towards autonomy and secession. The failure to make Mujib the villain in the unravelling tale of Bangalis versus the fragile Pakistani state, ensured Ayub Khan's political demise and the subsequent rise of Bangabandhu.

 

The Agartala Conspiracy Case embodied a sedition case brought forth by the Government of Pakistan in 1968 against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. After a year and a half of legal battles, the case was withdrawn in the face of public revolt in erstwhile East Pakistan. If Agartala had one unique impact in the political story of Bangladesh, it would be in its construction of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from the leader of the Awami League to the sole leader of East Pakistan. Mujib became our Bangabandhu. He was acknowledged as a populist figure who represented the very norms of democracy which the military generals in Pakistan despised, and his post-Agartala status essentially signed the death warrant for the Ayyub-regime. The public remained in awe.

 

In hindsight, if one was to observe Agartala intricately, it would be ignorant to deny how the prosecution itself construed Mujib to be a hero. The case was termed the 'State of Pakistan versus Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and others'. The Pakistani Government had catapulted Mujib to the highest echelon of the political establishment, whilst simultaneously dubbing him an Indian agent. Mujib was also labelled detrimental to Islamic unity. The people of East Pakistan rejected these notions. The language of the case and the accusations brought forth formed the impression that it was a tussle between Pakistan and Sheikh Mujib. From mosques to temples, the initiation of Bangabandhu as the emblematic manifestation of the Bangali people made headlines from Dhaka to Islamabad. Ayyub Khan had unknowingly dug his country's own grave. He gave Sheikh Mujib the perfect platform to decree himself a hero for Bangalis. By refusing to accede to Mujib's 6-point Movement of 1966, and by making him an enemy of the Pakistani state, Ayub Khan had construed the modern day Bangabandhu. And the charming, charismatic and vibrant politician in Mujib took over. He used the Pakistani legal machinery's tirade on him as a forum to tell the people of East Pakistan that his beloved country was being deprived of the economic, legal, cultural and democratic justice that it deserved. He used the failures of the Pakistani Government and glorified the Agartala Conspiracy Case as representing a victory for the Bangali people. And it was surely a brilliant political move.

 

Bangabandhu's victory meant the automatic demise of General Ayub Khan from the Pakistani Presidency. Demonstrations, riots and protests were already underway in West Pakistan against the Ayub regime's inability to control food prices. There were widespread factions in the military which were making soundbites in their lack of approval towards their Commander-in-Chief. The Agartala Case on the other hand had moved East Pakistanis against him. By failing to make Mujib the villain, Khan resigned on 25 March 1969, after 11 years of stringent rule. His successor, President Yahya Khan, was to be the last President of united Pakistan.

 

In recent times, many of the co-accused in regard to the Agartala Conspiracy Case have come forward. Former Parliamentary Deputy Speaker Shawkat Ali confessed to the Jatiyo Sangsad that the charges read out to them were accurate. There are some who suggest Sheikh Mujib himself led the so called Shangram Parishad for the secession of East Pakistan. Yet, amidst all this, Bangabandhu became the hero. The Bangalis had been fed up with the civil maltreatment of East Pakistan. East Pakistanis were tired of the lack of democracy and the ruthlessness of the dictatorial regime. Democracy meant autonomy. Autonomy meant democracy. Agartala showcased why such was the only viable long-term political solution. And no one did more to find political solutions than Sheikh Mujibur Rahman himself. From deliberating with Ayub Khan to sitting with Yahya Khan, Mujib tried his best to ensure peaceful resolutions to what he very much believed were political crisis'. To try and make Mujib the villain to his own people, was simply impossible for a President who had used the military, and not his people, to remain in power for 11 years. To try and make a mockery of a man who had stood for the people, was a scheme which disastrously failed for Ayub Khan.

 

While it may be too naïve to suggest that the Agartala Case gave Sheikh Mujibur Rahman the final impetus to demand independence, it did show him that the central Government in West Pakistan considered East Pakistanis a plausible threat to Pakistan. As such, hoping for a united, equitable and democratic Pakistan was purely utopian for many Bangalis. The demand for secession had received the kind of traction which allowed Mujib to win a majority of seats in the subsequent 1970 General Elections. In the immediate post-Agartala period, the people said a resounding yes to Mujib, and a defiant no to Ayub. They said yes to the values inscribed in Bangali nationalism which stands tall today as a tenant of Bangladesh's constitutional structure. It is no doubt that the Agartala Conspiracy Case remains an iconic moment in the political history of Bangladesh. Our Bangabandhu was at his peak.

 

The 1970 Parliamentary Elections were a clear result of the wills and wishes of the people. Needleless to say, that it was Bangabandhu's sole passion and vibrancy which attracted East Pakistan, into voting him into office. Yet as we know now, the Yahya regime never intended to hand over power to the Prime-Minister Elect. The camouflaged discussions and deliberations was a means of getting military personnel into East Pakistan. On March 7th, Mujib effectively declared the de-facto declaration of independence. Bangabandhu was at his finest form and his people responded to whatever he asked from them. From non-cooperation to recruiting political workers, East Pakistanis remained totally indebted to their leader. And as such, when the Pakistani Military initiated Operation Searchlight on the night of 25th March and Mujib was unscrupulously arrested, the people of the newly declared independent nation took over. As the 9-month war raged on and Mujib remained confined to a jail cell in Pakistan, one would imagine that he had enough faith in his people to pull off a miraculous victory. Let there be no doubt that defeating the Pakistani military was a miracle, but it was a miracle inspired by one man and one man only. As Moudud Ahmed said in his book, it would be difficult to think about the independence of Bangladesh without recognising its chief architect.

Today, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is used as a tool for political points by the Awami League. His name is a reference which garners attention, his face is plastered against all kinds of posters. He has effectively been monopolised by his beloved party. And that is the saddest possible tale for a sovereign nation such as ours. One of the great things which made Sheikh Mujib our Bangabandhu was his ability to reach out to even those with whom he disagreed. It is for this reason that even with his biggest opponents such as Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Yahya Khan, Mujib remained ever cordial and dignified. It is for this reason that he thought of his own killers as his sons. If we as a country try to simply categorise him as the leader of the Awami League, we are not only demeaning him, but blatantly disregarding the history of contemporary Bangladesh. It is the simple truth that Bangabandhu does not belong to one person or one political party. He is ours. He is for the whole of Bangladesh. And his reach surely goes beyond a single political philosophy.

 

Another question which commonly arises is that of whether Sheikh Mujibur Rahman would have wanted independence if he had been given the position of Prime Minister. There seems to be a large divide amongst scholars regarding this subject. But first, it is significant to recognise that we as countrymen cannot be rigid when it comes to underscoring our beliefs. Intellectual discussions and debates are healthy for a modern society, and analysing our Founding Father's life is an extension of such. However, to those who question Mujib's aim for independence, one should refer them back to the contents of the 6-Point Movement. It was a clearly constructed, yet peaceful mechanism, which would bring slow and constitutional changes in the structure of the Pakistani state. It was a form of proposed confederation whose ultimate destination would be an independent Bangladesh. Now did Mujib foresee the kind of war which Yahya Khan initiated? One doubts it. His entire efforts during 1970 and 1971 were based on a non-military and democratic transference of legitimate authority, and when he realised that this was being prevented, he did whatever he could to find a diplomatic solution to the crisis. As any great statesman, Sheikh Mujib did not want a war and for that we should recognise his gravity as a political leader. But when it came to it on March 25th, Mujib left the country knowing that he had done enough to inspire his people to take up arms and defend themselves to the best of their ability.

 

Today as we celebrate Independence Day, we look forward to the great years lying ahead for our nation. We recognise our martyrs and those men and women who had tirelessly worked to get Bangladesh independent. However, we must express our gratitude to a man who loved his countrymen more than he loved his family and himself. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman became Bangabandhu for a reason, and we as Bangladeshis will do very well to celebrate him for who he was-an icon, a visionary and this country's greatest leader. Bangladesh did have many architects. But it had one chief architect. One without whom the plan for a sovereign Bangladesh would never have been set in motion. Thank you, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, for what you have given us. We hope that we as citizens are making you proud and will make you even prouder in the years to come.

 

The writer is 3rd year undergraduate student of Economics and international relations, University of Toronto.

Read More

Shame darker than the night By Shakhawat Liton

Shame darker than the night

Shakhawat Liton

 

It was around 3:00am of August 15, 1975.. Preparations for carrying out a barbaric assassination were almost done.

 

Major Syed Faruk Rahman, one of the masterminds of the massacre, was sitting on a stool in front of the lancer unit headquarters in Dhaka Cantonment. An operation map was open on his knees. Execution of which would send a massive blow to the newly independent Bangladesh. Major Khandaker Abdur Rashid, another mastermind, was standing beside him.

 

Major Faruk stood up from his stool and started delivering a speech to the soldiers gathered there, said Lt Col (retd) Muhiuddin Ahmed, one of the convicted killers of Bangabandhu, in his confessional statement.

 

"A new government would be formed under the leadership of Khandaker Mushtaque Ahmed by ousting Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. This will be an Islamic government," Faruk told the gathering. He instigated the armed troops by making speech against the Bangabandhu government and formation of Baksal and Rakkhi Bahini. He also spread the false allegation that the government had planned to disband the army. At the end of his speech, Faruk, according to Muhiuddin, gave the final briefing to the disgruntled soldiers.  A few hours before, around 11:30pm of August 14, they had collected arms and ammunitions from the armoury of the 2nd Field Artillery. Nayek Jamrul, who was in charge of the armoury that night, described how they forced him to open it for them.

 

Accompanied by 10 to 12 soldiers of the artillery and lancers Major Rashid and Captain Jahangir went to the armoury. Major Rashid ordered the guards to unlock it. The soldiers immediately swung into action, taking rifles, cannon shells, Sten guns, submachine guns, light machine guns, pistols and revolvers in large numbers. Then the armoury was locked again on the orders of the major, said Jamrul, one of the witnesses in the Bangabandhu murder case, in his statement.  "You stay here. We might need more ammunition," Rashid told Jamrul. Everything was going unhindered according to their well laid out plan.

 

After Faruk's briefing, soldiers left around 4:00 in the morning and around one hour later, under leadership of Faruk, tanks rolled down the empty streets to their destination-- Bangabandhu's residence on Dhanmondi Road-32, according to the confessional statement of Faruk. Thus, the operation began with the aim to establish the "Islamic government" under leadership of Mushtaque by ousting Bangabandhu from power.

 

OPERATION PLAN

Bangabandhu appeared as a leader of freedom in international politics with the emergence of independent Bangladesh. In the bipolar world, he opted for socialism and staying in the Soviet block. His strong stance on holding trial of war criminals particularly around 200 Pakistan army officers annoyed the then Pakistani rulers who were enjoying the blessing of then US administration. In the country, the political situation was volatile. There was political turmoil and deterioration of law and order mainly due to anti-government subversive activities by Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal and Sorbohara Party. The three-and-a-half-years old government of Bangabandhu could not stand on a firm footing partly because of this turmoil.

The conspirators took the advantage of the situation. They decided to go ahead with their plan on which they had been working for a long time. For example, in May 15, 1974, Major Faruk, on the directive of a senior army officer, sought assistance from the US government through the US embassy in Dhaka.

The US ambassador Davis Eugene Boster forwarded the message to the US State Department in a secret letter sent to Washington, according to the book Mujib Murder in US Documents by Mizanur Rahman Khan. Meanwhile, some army officers including Major Dalim and Major Noor, who were dismissed for violation of discipline at the end of 1974, were annoyed with the government and joined hands with the conspirators. Major Rashid was maintaining contact with Khandaker Mushtaque Ahmed, the then commerce minister, all along, according to Major Faruk's confessional statement. Rashid convinced the other conspirators that Baksal must be taken down by any means. If needed Mujib should be killed otherwise the country and the nation would not survive. Rashid assured them of having Ziaur Rahman on their side if they were to eliminate Mujib, said Faruk in his confessional statement. With Mushtaque on board, the conspiracy started gathering political momentum. They started holding more meetings to finalise their plans. In his confessional statement, Taheruddin Thakur, one of the conspirators of the assassination, described how they finalised the plan. In May or June of 1975, they decided to meet on the Shalna High School ground of Gazipur on the occasion of a conference of self-reliant movement of Dhaka division. Defying army protocol, four to five army officers, including Major Noor, Major Shahriar and Major Faruk, went there to meet Mushtaque.

 

They talked to Mushtaque. He wanted to know of their progress. They informed him that everything was moving along as planned, said Taheruddin. To finalise the plan, the conspirators also held several more meetings at Major Rashid's residence in Dhaka Cantonment, BARD in Comilla, residences of Khandaker Mushtaque in Comilla and Dhaka, at Ramna Park and at the residence of Major Shahriar in Dhaka Cantonment, according to the charge sheet of the Bangabandhu murder case.The conspirators decided to get together the night before for executing their plan in the early morning of August 15.

 

THE CARNAGE

According to the final briefing of Major Faruk, a few tanks stopped at the entrance of Dhanmondi Road-32 while a few others stopped at the gate of the residence. Dawn had not broken yet. President Sheikh Mujib, his wife Begum Mujib, their sons Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Russell, daughters-in-law, and his brother Sheikh Naser were supposed to be in sleep. Attackers opened indiscriminate fire on Bangabandhu's residence. Sheikh Kamal came down to the ground floor. He requested the army and police members to come with him, said AFM Mohitul Islam, personal assistant of Bangabandhu, in his statement in Bangabandhu murder case. He was on duty at the residence then. At that moment three to four soldiers in khaki and black fatigues stormed the premises. One of them was Captain Huda, who shot Kamal. As Kamal divulged his identity, Huda shot him again, said on duty security guard Habilder Kuddus in his statement. Major Muhiuddin along with his force went to the first floor and he kept on firing. Captain Huda and Major Noor along with some forces also started going to the first floor, said Kuddus.  Huda and Noor saw Major Muhiuddin and his soldiers leading Bangabandhu down. "What do you want?" Bangabandhu had asked. The two majors, according to Wazed Mia, told Mujib to go to the radio station and announce his resignation. Suddenly, Huda and Nur aimed their Sten guns at Bangabandhu and pressed the triggers, said Kuddus. The president collapsed on the stairs. His body lay there with blood flowing from the body to down the stairs. After killing Bangabandhu, the soldiers ran amok. Bangabandhu's family members had taken shelter inside the bathroom of the master bedroom.

They were not spared.

 

KILLERS INDEMNIFIED  

A new chapter unfolded in the history of Bangladesh taking the country backwards. The killers installed Khandaker Mushtaque, the commerce minister of Bangabandhu's government, as the president in the afternoon. Mushtaque, who had lost his foreign ministry portfolio after the Liberation War for his secret link with the CIA and secret negotiations to scuttle the Bangladesh Liberation War, showed his true colours again. Mushtaque declared martial law, making the constitution subservient to the martial law proclamations and orders.

As president Zia kept following the footsteps of Mushtaque, he paid no heed to the demand for trial of the killers of Bangabandhu. He kept the 1975 Indemnity Ordinance in effect. President Ershad who grabbed state power in March 1982 also followed his predecessors. He continued to rehabilitate war criminals in politics and kept ignoring the demand for trial of the killers of the father of the nation. The situation changed only after the Awami League returned to power in 1996. The AL-led government scrapped the Indemnity Ordinance of 1975 and opened the door for the trial. Justice finally came but the nation still suffers from the chaotic political situation created after the assassination of Bangabandhu.

 

THE AFTERMATH

The politics of killing brought no peace and stability in the country. It changed the discourse of politics. After the assassination, a battle for power began within the army. Two more coups took place in quick succession on November 3 and 7. There was no bloodshed in the November 3 coup. But later that night, Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, M Mansur Ali and Qamaruzzaman, who had led the Mujibnagar government to liberate Bangladesh, were brutally murdered in prison. The November 7 counter coup led by the followers of JSD and Gen Zia succeeded in their mission. But again war heroes -- Gen Khaled Mosharraf, Colonel Najmul Huda and Lt Col ATM Haider -- were murdered. What Major Faruk said in his briefing before the attack on Bangabandhu's residence about the objective of the operation -- to form an Islamic government -- came true as their appointed president Mushtaque started working according to the plan. Pakistan was the first country that recognised the government led by Mushtaque, who dreamt of turning Bangladesh into an Islamic Republic like Pakistan. When he was president, Mushtaque also wanted to improve relations with Pakistan.Mushtaque's successors Justice Sayem and Gen Ziaur Rahman did not frustrate the dream of Major Faruk. During their regimes, the constitution was amended through martial law proclamations to omit secularism from it and to replace secularism with "absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah". The constitutional restriction on the use of religion in politics was withdrawn allowing some anti-liberation Islamic political parties and organisations, including Jamaat-e-Islami, to resume their activities. The regime-led by Gen Zia began a policy of rehabilitation of war criminals. He made Shah Aziz, who opposed Bangladesh' birth, prime minister of his government. The BNP, the party he founded, has been following his policy. Anti-liberation Abdur Rahman Biswas was made president in 1991. Two more war criminals Matiur Rahman Nizami and Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed, chief and secretary general of the Jamaat-e-Islami were made ministers by Zia's widow Khaleda Zia in her government in 2001.

 

Assassination of Zia, while in office in 1981, brought in another spell of martial law. Gen Ershad, the then army chief, grabbed state power overthrowing the then president Justice Abdus Sattar in March 1982. Gen Ershad also continued using religion to consolidate his position. He took a step further and gave Islam the status of state religion in 1990. Islamic political parties and organisations mushroomed since the constitutional ban was repealed in 1976, allowing formation and functioning of organisations based on religion. Between 1964 and 1970, intelligence records claimed the existence of 11 Islamic parties involved in various activities. But since 1976, floating of such parties and organisations increased many folds. The use of Islam as a political mobilisation tool did not yield positive results. Take the example of one militant outfit. Thousands of Bangladeshi youths went off to fight in Palestine, Kashmir and Afghanistan in the 1980s and 1990s.

A group of Bangladeshi Mujahideen returnees from Afghanistan in a press conference at the Jatiya Press Club in Dhaka on April 30, 1992 declared the establishment of Harkat-ul Jihad, Bangladesh or HUJI-B. It emerged as a militant outfit and has been accused of being directly involved in the assassination attempt on Sheikh Hasina and carrying out attacks on the country's cultural symbols and sites, including Pahela Baishakh celebrations, monuments and cinema halls. The use of religion, according to security experts, possibly served as the foundations for such rise in militant activities. The current escalation of militancy has a root in the use of religion to form political parties and organisation that began after the assassination of Bangabandhu, they said.

Read More